By Alpha Amadu Jalloh
As Sierra Leone slowly approaches the 2027 Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) convention and the much anticipated 2028 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, quiet tensions inside the ruling party are beginning to attract growing national attention.
While the opposition, the All People’s Congress (APC), continues attempting to reorganise itself after the disputed 2023 elections, many political observers now believe the biggest threat facing the SLPP may not necessarily come from outside the party, but from within its own succession politics.
Across political circles, one issue continues dominating conversations: who will succeed President Julius Maada Bio?
For now, no official answer exists. Yet the growing list of individuals either openly interested, quietly positioning themselves or being mentioned by supporters has created an atmosphere of uncertainty that many within the party fear could eventually become politically destabilising.
Among the names repeatedly surfacing are Dr Kandeh Yumkella, Dr David Sengeh, Dr Alie Kabba, Alhaji Musa Tarawally, John Benjamin, Alhaji Alpha Osman Timbo and others still quietly observing developments behind the scenes.
The name of Vice President, Dr Mohamed Juldeh Jalloh, also continues appearing prominently in political discussions, largely because many Sierra Leoneans naturally view a sitting Vice President as a possible successor within a ruling government.
Historically, across many African political systems, vice presidents are often seen as continuity candidates, especially where loyalty and stability have defined the administration. In Sierra Leone’s current political atmosphere, however, the succession debate appears far more complicated and delicate.
What many inside the SLPP appear to find interesting is not necessarily that the Vice President has remained cautious, but that his caution has created curiosity.
As the second gentleman in government and the first Vice President to serve two consecutive terms under a sitting president in Sierra Leone’s political history, many supporters quietly assumed he would naturally emerge as one of the clearest succession figures within the party.
That assumption still exists in many quarters. Yet unlike some others whose supporters have become increasingly vocal, the Vice President has maintained a measured and restrained political posture publicly. For some observers, that restraint reflects discipline and loyalty to President Bio’s earlier warning against premature flagbearer politics that could distract the government from governance. Others interpret it as strategic patience, believing the Vice President may simply be waiting for the appropriate political moment before making any future intentions clearer.
There are also those within political circles who believe his silence may actually be helping him politically by allowing others to engage in visible positioning battles while he preserves the image of stability and focus on governance.
At the same time, the absence of open political signal from such a senior figure has naturally allowed speculation to grow. Some wonder whether the Vice President intends to contest eventually. Others quietly speculate whether he may ultimately align himself with another figure within the party should the internal political environment become too complicated.
Still, many SLPP supporters continue believing that his loyalty to President Bio and his relatively calm political approach may yet place him in a strong position whenever the succession process officially begins. That is why conversations around him remain sensitive inside the party. Because in many ways, the Vice President’s political positioning could significantly influence how the entire SLPP succession landscape eventually unfolds.
Political scientist Professor Nic Cheeseman of the University of Birmingham once observed that in many African democracies, vice presidents often occupy “the most delicate office in government” because they are expected to demonstrate loyalty to the sitting president while simultaneously being viewed by supporters as potential heirs to political continuity. According to Cheeseman, succession politics in African ruling parties frequently becomes unstable when “uncertainty emerges over whether institutional succession or personal preference will determine the future leadership of the party.”
That observation appears increasingly relevant inside the SLPP today. Because the current political atmosphere surrounding succession has produced both discipline and nervousness simultaneously. Many SLPP supporters quietly ask whether the party will ultimately follow institutional logic or political preference when the time for succession eventually arrives.
Across Africa, there are several examples where sitting vice presidents eventually succeeded their leaders and managed to preserve continuity within ruling parties.
In Ghana, John Dramani Mahama succeeded the late President John Atta Mills and later became the central face of the NDC. In Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan moved from vice president to president following the death of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. In Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa eventually emerged after years within the ruling establishment around Robert Mugabe. In Kenya, William Ruto succeeded Uhuru Kenyatta despite their later fallout. In South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa emerged from within the ANC establishment after serving as deputy president.
These transitions were not always smooth, but they reinforced one important political reality. Vice presidents are often viewed by ruling party supporters as symbols of continuity, loyalty and institutional stability.
That is why some SLPP supporters quietly believe that if the Vice President is eventually overlooked completely, the party may have to manage the political consequences extremely carefully. Because succession politics inside ruling parties is rarely only about competence. It is also about perception, loyalty, sacrifice and emotional expectations within party structures.
At the same time, African political history also provides serious warnings for ruling parties where outgoing presidents are perceived as excessively controlling succession processes or unwilling to gradually detach themselves from party dominance.
One of the biggest dangers for any ruling party is when internal democracy begins appearing compromised by perceptions of imposed candidates. Sierra Leone itself already provides a major example. Inside the APC, many supporters still believe the party has struggled politically since former President Ernest Bai Koroma was widely perceived to have heavily influenced the emergence of Dr Samura Kamara as presidential candidate.
Dr Samura Kamara remains respected in many circles for his experience and technocratic background. But within sections of the APC, there are still lingering frustrations that the succession process at the time appeared too heavily shaped by the preferences of the outgoing leader. Years later, some APC supporters continue arguing that the party has never fully recovered internally from those tensions. Factionalism deepened. Internal trust weakened. Competing camps emerged. And even after leaving State House, the shadow of the former president continued hovering over the party’s internal politics.
That experience now serves as a quiet warning to both the APC and the SLPP. Because many ruling parties across Africa have suffered whenever succession politics became too personalised around outgoing presidents.
In Zambia, the Patriotic Front faced severe internal instability after the death of President Michael Sata and the struggles surrounding leadership succession. In Angola, former President José Eduardo dos Santos maintained enormous influence even after leaving office, creating internal tensions inside the MPLA before President João Lourenço gradually consolidated authority independently. In South Africa, the ANC suffered major internal divisions during and after Jacob Zuma’s era, particularly around questions of influence, succession and factional control.
The pattern is often similar. Once ruling parties begin appearing controlled by invisible power centres around outgoing leaders, internal resentment quietly grows.
And resentment eventually weakens unity.
That is why many SLPP supporters now believe the party must manage its succession process carefully and transparently if it hopes to avoid internal fractures before 2028.
One of the most persistent rumours currently circulating within political circles is the suggestion that President Bio may eventually prefer a particular successor behind the scenes. Although no official indication has been made publicly, such conversations have increasingly become part of political discussions in Freetown and beyond.
For some SLPP loyalists, the mere perception of a “preferred candidate” creates anxiety about how open and competitive the eventual convention process may become. Sierra Leonean political history has repeatedly shown that internal party disputes often become most dangerous during leadership transitions.
That concern appears to be quietly growing inside sections of the ruling party. Dr Kandeh Yumkella remains one of the most discussed names in this succession conversation. While many admire his international reputation, technical expertise and government experience, others within the SLPP still privately question the political circumstances surrounding his return to the party fold after the 2018 elections.
To some traditional SLPP supporters, the memory of the National Grand Coalition period still creates emotional unease. Questions continue lingering regarding trust, loyalty and whether grassroots party members were fully consulted before his reintegration into the centre of government. Those unresolved sentiments have not disappeared completely. Instead, they continue existing quietly beneath the surface.
The strong public presence of Fatima Bio has also generated political interpretations from various corners. Supporters see her as an energetic national figure aggressively defending government policies and engaging communities nationwide. Critics within and outside the party, however, increasingly interpret some of her activities through the lens of succession politics.
Whether fair or unfair, the perception that political alignments may already be forming around certain individuals has become part of the national conversation.
And perception in politics often carries enormous weight.
Some within the SLPP now fear that if the succession process begins appearing too heavily tilted toward certain camps, other powerful figures inside the party could either quietly resist or become politically disengaged before the elections.
That scenario would be extremely dangerous for the ruling party. Because elections are not won by famous names alone. They are won by united structures, motivated grassroots supporters and emotional belief within the party base.
Dr David Sengeh meanwhile continues attracting attention among younger Sierra Leoneans, urban professionals and sections of the international community. His visibility, communication style and association with innovation have positioned him as one of the younger faces of the current administration.
Yet even among supporters, questions remain about how deeply elite visibility and social media popularity can translate into broad nationwide electoral machinery capable of navigating Sierra Leone’s intensely emotional political environment.
Dr Alie Kabba represents another interesting dimension within the succession debate. Over recent years, he has appeared increasingly distant from the dominant political circles surrounding sections of the current administration. Supporters interpret this as evidence of independence. Critics see it as political isolation. Either way, his positioning continues attracting attention.
Alhaji Musa Tarawally also remains politically relevant despite ongoing criticism regarding his movement across different political platforms over the years. Supporters describe him as politically experienced and nationally exposed, while opponents continue questioning consistency and ideological stability.
John Benjamin’s experience remains respected within many political circles, though some younger party supporters quietly question whether the SLPP may eventually seek a generational transition as younger voters continue becoming a larger force within Sierra Leone’s electoral system.
Alpha Osman Timbo, despite initially generating conversation after expressing political interest, appears to have lost momentum in recent months. Dr Jonathan Tengbeh meanwhile continues facing questions regarding national political viability within such a competitive field.
What now concerns many within the SLPP is not necessarily the existence of multiple contenders itself, but rather the possibility that unmanaged ambitions, rumours and factional alignments could eventually weaken internal unity before the elections arrive.
The ruling party still possesses major political advantages including incumbency, nationwide structures and established support bases. But succession periods have historically created vulnerabilities for many African ruling parties when internal trust begins eroding.
The opposition APC is closely monitoring these developments. Many analysts believe the APC’s strongest strategy heading toward 2028 may not simply involve attacking government performance alone, but also capitalising on any visible divisions or confusion inside the ruling SLPP.
That possibility places additional pressure on the governing party to manage both governance and internal succession carefully over the next two years.
For now, the succession debate inside the SLPP remains officially restrained but politically active beneath the surface.